Go back to article: ‘A Chamber of Noise Horrors’: sound, technology and the museum

Showing sound, cultivating listeners

The Anti-Noise League’s first annual conference took place at the University of Oxford in 1934 and included ‘demonstrations and exhibitions of “silencing” experiments’.[3] It was resolved that in the following year a more public exhibition of this kind was needed to broaden the League’s appeal beyond the medical men who had founded it. The Noise Abatement Exhibition held at the Science Museum between 31 May and 30 June 1935 was to be that event. In his lobbying of the Ministry of Health, Horder had been repeatedly frustrated that government policymakers did not take the health case against noise seriously (Mansell, 2017). Worse, where state-sponsored investigation of noise and health had taken place in the 1930s, the government’s Department of Scientific and Industrial Research had tended to favour the expertise of industrial psychologists rather than the general medical profession. The industrial psychologists, such as Millais Culpin, who investigated the effects of noise in the workplace under the auspices of the Industrial Health Research Board, rejected the arguments made about noise and neurasthenia and concluded that noise sensitivity was not a physical cause of mental illness, but was rather a symptom of it (Mansell, 2017). This allowed the Industrial Health Research Board to conclude that noise was not a significant factor in workplace efficiency, and even to recommend the inclusion of more noise in the factory in the form of BBC ‘Listen While You Work’ broadcasts designed to alleviate boredom (Mansell, 2017).       

Faced by the indifference of the Ministry of Health and by rebuttals and reprimands from the Industrial Health Research Board, the Anti-Noise League hoped that a Noise Abatement Exhibition at the Science Museum would not only raise the public profile of the noise abatement cause but also generate sympathy and understanding within the various public and private organisations whose co-operation would be essential if the League’s aim of banishing ‘needless noise’ was to be realised. In the inter-war period the Science Museum was not primarily the educational organisation it is today. It was, rather, a place where leaders of the industrial and scientific worlds could be influenced in the national interest (Scheinfeldt, 2010, pp 52–55). Many of the temporary exhibitions held there in the 1930s took the form of trade shows in which commercial organisations, such as the Rubber Growers’ Association, could promote the utility of their products for industry. While the Science Museum was careful to maintain neutrality in matters of commercial competition (for example at its temporary television exhibition of 1937, which took place during a peak period of competition between different broadcasting technology manufacturers) it was nevertheless possible for an organisation like the Anti-Noise League to use the opportunity of exposure at the Museum for the purposes of generating credibility for a product or a cause. The Science Museum provided the ideal institutional stage upon which to bring together relevant government ministries and research agencies as well as a wide range of commercial organisations under the ‘Noise Abatement’ umbrella. Even the Industrial Health Research Board took part despite their open hostility to the noise abatement project. This did not indicate any new shared ground with the Anti-Noise League, but rather a willingness to take the opportunity to lay out the new dispassionate sciences of noise alongside the Anti-Noise League’s populist campaigning tactics. Indeed, the Noise Abatement Exhibition took the form of a coming together of the various public and private bodies with a vested interest in the ‘noise’ question into a forum where approaches and expertise could be compared. Many of the exhibits were lent by the commercial organisations who had pioneered ‘quiet’ and ‘silent’ technologies in the 1920s and 1930s in response to concerns about the ‘age of noise’. Fourteen of these companies each contributed £10.10.0 to the costs of the exhibition as a way of securing involvement.[4]

When initial planning for the exhibition began in earnest in December 1934 the proposal was to design an exhibition with four distinct sections: health and noise; research and development; transport and machinery; and buildings. Each section was to be organised by an exhibition sub-committee chaired by an Anti-Noise League insider but made up of a wide range of noise experts. Lord Horder himself was due to chair the health and noise committee. The research and development committee chair was given to G W C Kaye, a powerful ally of the League given his prominent position at the National Physical Laboratory. Thomas Cave-Browne-Cave, a former RAF engineering officer and current Professor of Engineering at University College, Southampton, who was at the time researching ways to quieten motorcycle engines, chaired the transport and machinery committee. The buildings committee was chaired by architectural acoustician Hope Bagenal who had close ties to the Royal Institute of British Architects. Committee members, in contrast, were there to be influenced. The research and development committee, for example, included representatives from the Industrial Health Research Board, the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (which was closely associated via personnel with the Industrial Health Research Board), the Aircraft Defence Experimental Establishment, the Western Electric Company, the BBC and the Home Office Industrial Museum. The buildings committee included representatives from the Ministry of Health, the Office of Works and the Building Centre as well as Newalls Insulation Company, the Rubber Growers’ Association, and acoustic building supply specialists Honeywell and Stein and Horace W Cullum and Co. It is evident that despite the exhibition-by-committee planning format and the donations from private companies, and even though a Science Museum curator, Herman Shaw, sat on the various planning sub-committees, this was most certainly an exhibition led by the Anti-Noise League, as was typical of Science Museum temporary exhibitions at this time. The Executive Committee of the League co-ordinated the overall planning of the exhibition under the direction of its Chairman, Sir Henry Richards, a Chief Inspector of Elementary Schools.  

Despite the Anti-Noise League’s tight grip on the exhibition organisation, tensions became evident in the planning stages. When the sub-committees began to meet for the first time in January 1935, the health and noise section had been axed and a decision taken to organise the exhibition around the remaining three sections only. Health-related research was instead incorporated into the research and development section where, it is no coincidence, the Industrial Health Research Board was a prominent contributor. Although the surviving records do not give any clear indication of why the decision was taken to discard the health section of the exhibition, it seems likely that it was caused by the disagreements, and competing ways of hearing, operating between the medical leaders of the Anti-Noise League and those conducting state-sponsored research into the health effects of noise at the Industrial Health Research Board such as the Cambridge psychologist, F C Bartlett, who despite publishing a prominent book on noise in 1934 – The Problem of Noise – is conspicuous by his absence on Anti-Noise League membership lists. It was perhaps a condition of the Industrial Health Research Board’s involvement in the exhibition that a balanced view be given of the current state of research on noise and health, with the Anti-Noise League’s case relating to nerves and neurasthenia pushed to the background in favour of industrial psychology research. Perhaps Horder was just too busy to take an active part in the exhibition planning. It is noticeable, however, that his medical colleagues on the Anti-Noise League executive committee, such as Dan McKenzie and the psychiatrist James Purves-Stewart, also seem to have taken no active part in organising the exhibition. Horder also complained, while chairing a session of the Anti-Noise League’s annual conference on the final weekend of the Noise Abatement Exhibition, that ‘he would have expected’ health ‘to appear higher on the list’ of matters to be discussed, hinting at some of the disquiet that evidently existed among the medical leaders of the League about the side-lining of medicine in the exhibition (Anti-Noise League, 1935b, p 7).

The Anti-Noise League’s populist critique of noise as a public health hazard was limited to its own campaign materials of the kind shown in Figure 3, in which a large mock thermometer represented the supposed increasing health risk of different intensities of noise, from a ‘cat purring’ and a ‘child whispering’ at the bottom of the thermometer to ‘piano practice’ and ‘loud conversation’ in the middle, to ‘gunfire’, a ‘roaring lion’, a ‘pneumatic drill’ and an ‘aeroplane engine at 10 feet’ at the top. A stand of this kind formed part of the Anti-Noise League’s contribution to the exhibition. In the image in Figure 3 (probably taken at another temporary exhibition rather than at the Science Museum), either side of the thermometer were placed large reproductions of the Anti-Noise League’s logo and posters which read ‘Help to Banish Unnecessary Noise’ and ‘Quiet Brings Comfort, Health and Efficiency’. Noise ‘thermometers’ of this kind were frequently used to illustrate newspaper reporting of the noise problem in the 1930s.

Figure 3

Black and white photograph of an anti noise league exhibition stand

Photograph of the Anti-Noise League stand at the 1935 Noise Abatement Exhibition featured in Quiet (March 1936), p 22

The example in Figure 4, published to accompany an article in the Dundee Courier and Advertiser in 1935, is indicative of the wider trend, and is typical of such illustrations in emphasising the rising decibel level from the quiet suburban home to the noisy city street and in drawing attention to the professional male worker as the sufferer from noise. This visualisation typifies the noise abatement ‘way of hearing’ everyday sounds. However, the popular medical theories about noise and neurasthenia upon which such visual aids relied were rejected by noise researchers such as Bartlett who emphasised arrhythmia rather than loudness as the problematic characteristic of noise in the context of the industrial workplace. The Anti-Noise League nevertheless knew that the thermometer imagery was useful in garnering public support and quick understanding, and, in addition to their own stand at the Science Museum, installed a large luminous mock noise thermometer at the satellite 1935 Noise Abatement Exhibition which took place at the Building Centre on New Bond Street. The conflict between the Anti-Noise League and the Industrial Health Research Board underscores the necessity of taking account of the different ways of hearing that might be presented in an exhibition. In contrast to the Anti-Noise League’s mock thermometers, the Board lent several graphs to the exhibition indicating the effect of noise on industrial workers. As well as an emphasis on rhythm rather than loudness, these graphs indicated only minor diminution of working performance in noisy conditions and only a small increase in efficiency with the use of earplugs, far from the urgent public health crisis that the Anti-Noise League wanted to promote.

Figure 4

Illustration in a newspaper depicting a persons journey from home to office and the varying levels of noise experienced along the way

Illustration accompanying article ‘The Drive Against Din’, Courier and Advertiser, 18 May 1935, p 6

Despite this variation in outlook, the rest of the Science Museum Noise Abatement Exhibition more or less successfully conveyed the Anti-Noise League’s core message and way of hearing technological sound. Along with the mock thermometer, other visual illustrations of the threat posed by noise were included in the exhibition. The strategy of showing sound was indeed one of two core curatorial approaches employed at the exhibition. Although sounds themselves played an important role in the exhibition via demonstration, it was in fact just as useful to show sound, visually, to visitors because one of the key claims of the Anti-Noise League was that noise operated as an invisible but vibrant environmental force in urban areas causing an imperceptible drain on the nervous energy of those exposed to it. In a 1935 radio appeal, Lord Horder explained to people unconvinced by the noise abatement movement that ‘your resistance to noise, a great deal of which is endless and preventable, costs you something that you cannot afford to pay, and a lot of you are “overdrawn” already’. He added that ‘We British are very patient, very conservative, but we are also shrewd and businesslike. There is no more need to put up with this stupid expenditure of nerve energy, through needless noise, than there is to put up with the expenditure caused by bad housing, tainted food, impure water, or any other of the preventable conditions that destroy health.’ He promised his listeners, if they became ‘noise-conscious’, ‘a good return for your investment. I can promise you a gain in health, in security and in the enjoyment of life, which will amaze you when the nervous energy which you now spend on this endurance of unnecessary noise is released for the purposes of unhampered work and equally unhampered play. But remember,’ he added for the sake of urgency, ‘we must tackle the evil now, before it gets beyond our control.’[5] Back in 1928 the British Medical Association had been frustrated that the health effects of noise ‘cannot be shown on the stage of a microscope or in a jar of spirit’.[6] It was for this reason that visualisations of the physics of sound waves played a prominent role at the Science Museum in 1935.

These visualisations included a ‘sensitive flame showing different phonetic powers of spoken words’ lent by the Industrial Health Research Board, a live broadcast of speeches from the House of Commons into a tank of water to illustrate the different speeds at which sound travels through water compared to air, a ‘Telegraph arranged to indicate noise actually being made inside and outside the Exhibition’ lent by the Western Electric Company, a noise map of London, a model of Broadcasting House lent by the BBC lit up to ‘indicate the varying systems of sound proofing applied throughout Broadcasting House to studios, music chambers, etc.’, in addition to various noise meters lent by the National Physical Laboratory, contained in the research and development section of the exhibition, shown in Figure 5.[7]

Figure 5

Black and white photograph showing a number of noise meters on display in the research section of an exhibition on noise at the Science Museum London

A general view of the exhibition on noise abatement, held in 1935

A dedicated cinema room showed two films supplied by Western Electric, Sound Waves and their Sources and Fundamentals of Acoustics, both made in 1933 by the University of Chicago. The films offered a basic introduction to the science of acoustics and were later circulated by Encyclopaedia Britannica Classroom Films for use in schools. In March 1935, the Anti-Noise League invited its members to view these two films in advance of the exhibition at a screening in the Cinematograph Theatre at Bush House, Aldwych. The purpose of the screening was to ascertain their suitability for the exhibition.[8] Sound Waves and their Sources (which can be seen in its later 1950s version below) includes a long section visualising the invisible vibration of sound waves emanating from a tuning fork. These various visual techniques for showing sound served to illustrate the Anti-Noise League’s argument that, even if you couldn’t see it, noise was acting in the background to drain your nervous energy.

Video 1

Sound waves and their sources video credits

Sound Waves And Their Sources, 1933. An educational film that covers the basics of acoustics

The 1935 Noise Abatement exhibition is notable, though, for its use of sound as a technique of museum engagement and this was the second core curatorial approach adopted by exhibition organisers. ‘A chamber of noise horrors’ was how Lord Elton described the exhibition in the aforementioned newspaper coverage. Elton was no dispassionate observer as a member of the Anti-Noise League’s Council. He might well have been referring to the subject matter of the exhibition rather than directly to its auditory characteristics. It is clear, nonetheless, that from the beginning the exhibition organisers set out to use sound itself in the exhibition. It is difficult to ascertain how many of the exhibits were actually sounded during the exhibition, but the form which exhibitors were required to fill out asks some telling questions, such as ‘Do you propose to demonstrate? If so, how frequently?’; ‘Is demonstration possible by others than your own demonstrator?’; ‘Will your exhibit be suitable for indoor or outdoor demonstration?’; and ‘Does your exhibit require a special sound-proofed cubicle?’.[9] Significant provision was certainly made for demonstrators during the exhibition. The exhibition was staffed by members and associates of the Anti-Noise League at a dedicated ‘Information Bureau’ and beside individual exhibits. The most commented-upon sonic feature of the exhibition was the open-air demonstration of a silenced pneumatic drill (advertised, as in Figure 6, as the Holmon drill in the exhibition handbook), which took place regularly in the Science Museum courtyard. In newspaper reporting of the exhibition the Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, who opened the exhibition on its first night, is shown operating the drill. Motorcycle exhausts were also sounded during the exhibition.[10]

Figure 6

Printed advertisement for a silenced pneumatic drill made by Holman

Advertisement featured in Noise Abatement Exhibition: Science Museum, South Kensington, 31st May-30th June 1935 (London: Anti-Noise League, 1935), p 79

The centrepiece of the exhibition from the sonic perspective was, however, the demonstration house erected in the buildings section to showcase advances in architectural acoustics, building materials and quiet domestic technology. This was a full-size, two-storey house, on the scale and design of a typical suburban semi-detached dwelling. It was built especially for the exhibition by C W Glover, of consulting engineers C W Glover & Partners. Glover was a member of the Council of the Anti-Noise League and had made a name for himself by proposing to build an elevated airport in central London near King’s Cross Station. He became known later for publishing an influential pre-Second World War book on building for civil defence against air attack (Glover, 1938). His demonstration house was situated, together with the exhibition’s cinema room, in the annexe attached to Gallery 1, where the main exhibition was held, and was reached via a short flight of steps down onto its ground floor (Figure 7). Here the visitor would enter the house in a small entrance hallway called the ‘noise chamber’ leading on either side to two larger rooms, one constructed using ordinary building methods and the other, called the ‘silent room’, using the latest techniques of soundproofing. The second storey of the house consisted of one large room extending across all downstairs rooms.

Figure 7

Architects plans for a demonstration house to showcase advances in architectural acoustics building materials and quiet domestic technology

Diagram showing demonstration house

The diagram in Figure 8 shows that ‘contact noise machines’ (which were used at the National Physical Laboratory to simulate domestic sounds and in this case were fitted with shoes to simulate footsteps) were placed on the floor above both main lower rooms and that an undetermined ‘source of noise’, which was in fact a piano, was placed above the lower ‘noise chamber’. A description of the house written by Glover lists the exhibits on the upper floor as ‘ordinary’ (as opposed to silenced) technologies, and in addition to the piano these were a gramophone and a sewing machine. The gramophone and sewing machine, along with the piano, were operated by demonstrators so that their audibility, or otherwise, could be assessed downstairs by visitors. The hope was that in the downstairs rooms visitors might come to appreciate the value of different building techniques for the control of domestic noise. The piano, placed above the ‘noise chamber’, also extended across the ceilings of both the ‘silent’ and the ‘ordinary’ rooms and could ‘be heard in the latter but not in the former’.[11]

Figure 8

Architects plans for a demonstration house to showcase advances in architectural acoustics building materials and quiet domestic technology

Diagram showing demonstration house

The varying acoustic qualities of the downstairs rooms were achieved through the different construction methods deployed in each one. The portion of upstairs floor above the ‘silent’ room was finished with a ‘floating floor’, a major acoustic innovation of 1930s house and flat building. This consisted of ‘an anti-impact type of covering consisting of battens at 14" centres supported on rubber insulators of such a size and at such centres as to increase the loading on them to the optimum figure for the greatest dampening effect’. Glover explained that, ‘the weight and inertia of the floating surface are increased by the use of pre-cast loading slabs which rest in the battens’.[12] This ‘floating floor’ was promoted by H W Cullum & Co as the ‘Cullum Soundproofing System’ and can be seen in detail in the advert for the product which was published in the exhibition handbook (Figure 9). The ‘silent’ room was also physically separated from the rest of the building: a small air space was left between the parts of the upstairs floor covering the ‘ordinary’ and the ‘silent’ rooms. The walls of the ‘silent’ room had a quarter of an inch of rubber inserted between them and the concrete foundation raft below. The ‘silent’ room wall adjoining the ‘noise chamber’ consisted of two 4.5-inch brick walls with half an inch of air space between them. This wall also had a plastered 1.25-inch compressed reed panel on one side and plaster direct on to brickwork on the other. ‘The object of this panel,’ wrote Glover, ‘is to demonstrate the efficiency of this method of construction which is suitable for party walls in semi-detached cottages, flats and the like, provided no floor loads are carried upon the wall.’ Compared to the two 4.5-inch walls separating the ‘noise chamber’ from the ‘silent’ room, the wall on the other side of the hallway, adjoining the ‘ordinary’ room, was only 2.5-inches thick and had only a ‘skim coat of plaster on each side; a typical partition as used in offices and flats’. The ‘ordinary’ room was also missing the ‘acoustic plaster’ on the ceiling and ‘rubber floor covering’ used in the ‘silent’ room, which was also fitted with a soundproofed door and a soundproofed window, as indicated in Figure 7.[13]

Glover noted some clearly discernible auditory effects in the demonstration house which he hoped would be noticed by exhibition-goers. For example, he explained that the floating floor had a significant effect on the transmission of the sound of footsteps generated by the National Physical Laboratory’s contact noise machines: ‘Noise of footsteps penetrates easily to the ordinary room’ but is ‘rendered inaudible in the room below [the floating floor]’. It is evident from Glover’s descriptions that visitors were encouraged to take part in auditorily testing the demonstration house. ‘Ordinary conversation in the noise chamber cannot be heard in the silent room, but can be heard in the ordinary room… It is only necessary to raise the voice to be heard and understood distinctly through the plastered breeze partition.’ He also noted that while ‘Conversation in the upper room cannot be heard in the lower rooms…gramophone music from above is heard in the ordinary room and not in the silent room.’ As well as testing out the house with their voices and comparing this experiment to the transmission of the sound of the gramophone, it seems likely that exhibition visitors were encouraged to drop coins on the floor of the upper room for the benefit of their friends below. Glover recorded that ‘The height at which coins have to be dropped on to the various floor surfaces before the sound penetrates sufficiently to become audible below, affords another striking demonstration of the efficiency of the anti-impact type of floor.’ Visitors were certainly encouraged to attend the upstairs room because organisers went to the trouble of installing a lift especially for reaching the upper floor of the house. On their way to throw coins, visitors travelled in this especially-commissioned ‘silent lift’, captured in the exhibition photograph in Figure 10. Complaints about lift noise were among the main objections to living in blocks of flats in the 1930s (Mansell, 2017). The buildings committee contracted Hammond Bros. & Champness Ltd to supply their ‘special silent type’ lift which was ‘designed for silence with rubber buffers or air checks to every moving part’. The lift gates had ‘special tracks and rubber buffers between all fittings’ and ‘Between the motor room and the roof of the building’ was ‘a ventilated noise chamber designed to dissipate any noise’.[14]

Figure 10

Black and white photograph showing a silent elevator installed at the Science Museum as part of the noise abatement exhibition

View of the noise abatement exhibition, Science Museum, London, 1935

There were further opportunities for visitors to the demonstration house to compare the acoustic properties of building methods and technological objects. Downstairs, demonstrators shovelled coal on to the fireplaces installed in both the ‘silent’ and the ‘ordinary’ rooms. While the ‘ordinary’ room had a standard hearth, the ‘silent room’ had an asbestos pad fitted below the fireplace to deaden the sound of the coal as it was shovelled. Visitors were also encouraged to compare the soundproofed and the ordinary window by listening to the sound of an electric bell rung in the gallery annexe outside the house. Finally, in response to social survey findings that indoor toilet plumbing was among the most complained about domestic noises (Mansell, 2017), the demonstration house was fitted with a ‘silent lavatory’ as well as ‘The use of “air cushioning vessels” and easy bends in domestic plumbing’ to show how better design would lead to less bathroom noise. The house provided the opportunity not only to demonstrate the effect of new construction methods on the control of sounds made by ordinary technologies such as the gramophone, put also provided an ideal stage for the demonstration of new ‘quiet’ and ‘silent’ technologies. Minutes kept by the buildings section sub-committee indicate that, for example, an ordinary typewriter was placed in the ‘ordinary’ downstairs room, so that it could be compared, auditorily, to the ‘silent’ typewriter placed in the ‘silent’ room. Although the committee records do not specifically indicate it, the advert for the Underwood Noiseless typewriter which appeared in the exhibition handbook (Figure 11) suggest that this was the model used in the ‘silent’ room.[15]

Figure 11

Printed advertisement for a noiseless typewriter made by Underwood

Advertisement featured in Noise Abatement Exhibition: Science Museum, South Kensington, 31st May-30th June 1935

Indeed, a portable Underwood Noiseless typewriter was acquired for the Science Museum’s permanent collection following the Noise Abatement Exhibition. Committee records indicate that plans were also made for the demonstration of other ‘quiet’ technologies, such as vacuum cleaners like the one shown in the Electrolux advert included in the exhibition handbook (Figure 12), which was placed alongside an advert for another silent typewriter, the Continental Silenta.

Figure 12

Printed advertisement for silenta noiseless typewriters made by Continental and a noiseless vacuum cleaner made by Electrolux

Advertisement featured in Noise Abatement Exhibition: Science Museum, South Kensington, 31st May-30th June 1935

It is evident, therefore, that the demonstration house was conceived as a sounding exhibit where visitors would interact with their ears more than with their eyes and where demonstrators, provided by the Anti-Noise League and by companies such as Cullum & Co, would curate an auditory experience for exhibition-goers. It is also evident that such auditory engagement was not provided simply for the purposes of immersive entertainment, but rather sought to cultivate the listening subjectivity of visitors (or an imagined visitor), encouraging them to become discerning consumers of better-sounding houses and quieter technologies. The demonstration house acted in some ways like a nineteenth-century concert hall, directing listeners’ attention to good quality sound and offering them an education, and a bodily training, in how to hear, as well as how to sound, in a civilized way. Indeed, what visitors were being trained to hear in the demonstration house was not so much noise, but rather quiet, to appreciate both the scientific and social significance of this in-between acoustic category. The Anti-Noise League’s hope was to draw attention not just to the possibilities of new engineering and building techniques, but also how to behave in a civilized way with one’s gramophone or one’s wireless set at home. The demonstration house, modelled on the inter-war building schemes that aimed to overcome slum living in cities, was just the kind of place where a working-class person of a certain status might learn how to acquire middle-class aural proclivities, to enter the bourgeois auditory habitus. Bagenal indicated the class specificity of the demonstration house by suggesting in his notes that flats for middle-class people would ideally need higher standards of sound design than those shown in the house. ‘In the case of middle-class flats,’ he wrote, ‘the needs of persons wanting quiet in buildings of moderate cost could well be met in special blocks of flats in which ear phones only were permitted and where a clause in the lease insists on carpets on all floors. This could well be supplemented in this class of flats by restriction upon dogs and gramophones.’[16]

Given what we know, however, about the Anti-Noise League’s emphasis on the need to save the ‘intelligent section’ of society from noise, we can interpret the demonstration house less as a place where working-class ears and nerves would be saved from noise, and more as a place where they would learn a quieter way of life to be reproduced for the benefit of the already cultivated male, professional, hearer. Quiet, as well as noise, was invested in the context of inter-war noise abatement with clear class and gender characteristics, and the education in these sonic categories offered by the 1935 Noise Abatement Exhibition contained clear traces of this social content of sound.

Component DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15180/170704/004